Samuel Adams, a leading actor in the American revolution, born in Boston, Sept. 27, 1722, died Oct. 2, 1803. His grandfather was a grandson of Henry Adams, the same emigrant from England to Massachusetts from whom John Adams, second president of the United States, traced his descent. These two illustrious cooperators in the American revolution had both the same great-grandfather, a son of Henry Adams. He was prepared for college at the Boston Latin school, then taught by the elder Lovell, and entered at Cambridge in 1736. Previous to the revolution the names of the graduates of Harvard college are arranged in the college catalogue, not alphabetically, but in an order of precedence according to the estimated rank of their families. In a class of 24, John Adams held the 14th place; Samuel Adams, in a class of 22, the 5th. The Boston branch of the Adams family would seem to have attained to a somewhat higher colonial position than the branch which remained at Braintree. He was graduated A. B. in 1740. His father, Capt. Samuel Adams, had urged his entering the ministry; but he had no taste for this calling, and on leaving college began the study of law.

This he relinquished to take a place in the counting house of Mr. Thomas Cushing, where, though active and industrious enough, he displayed conspicuous inaptitude for trade. He began business for himself, and failed. Subsequently he became a partner with his father in a brewery, and after Capt. Adams's death in 1748 he carried on the concern himself. About 1740 Capt. Adams became involved in pecuniary misfortunes through his connection with a banking speculation known as the land bank or manufactory scheme. In efforts on behalf of the unfortunate speculators in this scheme, Samuel Adams found an early introduction to politics, which ultimately became the chief interest and principal employment of his life. Fully to understand the first connection of Samuel Adams with politics, a brief retrospect becomes necessary. The use of paper money, first introduced into Massachusetts in 1690, and which had speedily driven coin out of circulatidn, had, in consequence of over-issues, been attended with great depreciation and fluctuations of prices. These issues were made for limited periods, and in consequence of the remonstrances of the English merchants trading to America, orders had been sent to Governor Belcher to agree to no new ones.

The circulating paper being gradually absorbed, and the year 1741 being fixed for its complete withdrawal, the effect of this operation was much like that of a bank contraction of our day. The Boston merchants, and indeed the body of the people, complained bitterly of the scarcity of money, and an attempt was made to force Governor Belcher, by withholding his salary, to consent to new issues, or to extend the period of the old. As he proved inflexible, two joint-stock banking companies had been got up: one, called the "silver scheme," proposed to issue £110,000 in notes, redeemable in silver at the end of 10 years; * the other, called the land bank or " manufactory scheme" (that in which Adams's father was concerned), undertook to circulate £150,000, which was to be redeemed at the end of 20 years in colonial produce. The " silver scheme " was patronized by the merchants and traders, the land bank by the farmers and mechanics. Belcher zealously opposed both. In spite, however, of the governor's proclamation, notes were issued by both companies, and those of the land bank especially were largely pushed into circulation. That company had 800 stockholders, and held complete control of the Massachusetts house of representatives.

Belch eleven apprehended an insurrection to compel him to give his consent to the scheme, and his opponents did succeed in obtaining his removal. But this did not avail them, for the operation of these two Massachusetts banks was cut short by an act of parliament extending to the colonies an act of the previous reign, occasioned by the South sea and other bubble schemes, which prohibited the formation of unincorporated joint-stock companies with more than six partners. The two banking companies were thus compelled to wind up; the partners were held individually liable for the notes, and the "manufactory scheme " especially, the affairs of which remained unsettled for several years, proved ruinous to the few partners who had anything to lose, of whom Adams's father was one. This act of parliament was denounced by the friends of the banks as a violation of the chartered rights of Massachusetts. The young Adams thus entered upon politics as the opponent of parliamentary authority, and as a champion for the body of the citizens - a position which, to a certain extent, his father seems to have occupied before him.

How strongly his mind was turned in this direction, appears from the subject he chose for his thesis upon taking his degree of A. M. He proposed as a question, "Whether it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved? " as to which he supported the affirmative. Not succeeding in business, he obtained the post of tax collector for the town of Boston, an office which brought him into contact and acquaintance with all the inhabitants, and which obtained for him from his political opponents the cognomen of Samuel the Publican. During the administration of Governor Shirley he was steadily in the opposition. Against Bernard - his influence increasing with his age - he took a still more decided part. From an entry in John Adams's journal, under date of February, 1763, it seems that at that time there were in Boston two clubs - one the " Merchants' Club," the other the " Caucus Club " - accustomed to meet and agree upon persons to be supported for town officers, and that the caucus club used to send committees to consult and agree with the merchants' club as to men and measures.

Of this caucus club - a corruption probably of caulkers' club, as having been originally composed of ship-building mechanics - Samuel Adams was then and long had been an active member. Gordon, indeed, traces back the existence and influ-enre of this club to the time of Adams's father. Adams took an active part in all town meetings, at which his energy and courage made him a leader. The instructions given by the town of Boston, in May, 1764, to their newly chosen representatives - the first decided protests from any part of America against Grenville's scheme of parliamentary taxation - were drawn up by him; and he was chosen the next year as one of the three representatives in the general court of the town of Boston, a position which he held for nine years following. Upon his entry into the house he accepted the office of clerk, which not only produced him a small addition to his limited income, but enabled him also to exercise a certain influence over the course of proceedings. The Massachusetts house of representatives consisted at this time of upward of a hundred members, the most numerous assembly in the colonies. Its debates had begun to attract attention, and a gallery was now first erected for spectators.